At one time, the Canadian and US dollars were discounted by 10 cents on each side of the border (i.e., a...
decision/exchange Added material
Problem
At one time, the Canadian and US dollars were discounted by 10 cents on each side of the border (i.e., a Canadian dollar was worth 90 US cents in the US, and a US dollar was worth 90 Canadian cents in Canada). A man walks into a bar on the US side of the border, orders 10 US cents worth of beer, pays with a US dollar and receives a Canadian dollar in change. He then walks across the border to Canada, orders 10 Canadian cents worth of beer, pays with a Canadian dollar and receives a US dollar in change. He continues this throughout the day, and ends up dead drunk with the original dollar in his pocket. Who pays for the drinks?
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The man paid for all the drinks. But, you say, he ended up with the same amount of money that he started with! However, as he transported Canadian dollars into Canada and US dollars into the US, he performed "economic work" by moving the currency to a location where it was in greater demand (and thus valued higher). The earnings from this work were spent on the drinks. Note that he can only continue to do this until the Canadian bar runs out of US dollars, or the US bar runs out of Canadian dollars, i.e., until he runs out of "work" to do.
Additional material
This answer is correct from a capitalistic point of view. From a mathematics or physics point of view, however, the man in the problem did not actually pay for the drinks. All those people who spent Canadian dollars in the U.S. bar in the first place paid for half the drinks. Those who spent U.S. dollars in the Canadian bar paid for the other half. The "economic work" was done by those who gave up 10 cents on the dollar by using devalued foreign bills. The residual "potential economic energy" of those bills was released by our inebriated entrepreneur when he carried them across the border. -- bkolb@arinc.com This answer is correct from a capitalistic point of view. From a mathematics or physics point of view, however, the man in the problem did not actually pay for the drinks. All those people who spent Canadian dollars in the U.S. bar in the first place paid for half the drinks. Those who spent U.S. dollars in the Canadian bar paid for the other half. The "economic work" was done by those who gave up 10 cents on the dollar by using devalued foreign bills. The residual "potential economic energy" of those bills was released by our inebriated entrepreneur when he carried them across the border. -- <bkolb@arinc.com>, March 1994 [ Editor: the following exchange of mail between David L. Book and Jonathan Haas (keeper of the rec.puzzles FAQ) took place in August 1996. ] To my surprise, the answer to the cited problem in the rec.puzzles archive has not changed in the two weeks since I first read it. I therefore conclude that no one has objected to it. This is a pity, because it is WRONG. The right answer to the problem is that the people who acquired Canadian or U.S. dollars at par and then traded them at 90% of their nominal value are the one who paid for the currency trader's drinking spree. [Their cash holdings lost value because of the two governments' actions. The individuals involved did not actually suffer a loss, however, until they gave up their foreign money at 90% of par. After all, they could have made the trip across the border themselves. Then they would have lost nothing.] It might be argued that the trader performed a service in transporting the money. Here is a _reductio ad absurdum_. Suppose that, the day after the events in question, the Councils of Economic Advisers of the two governments reverse course and each declares that the other's currency is worth 10% *more* than the domestic variety. After recovering from his hangover, our enterprising moneychanger begins carrying Canadian dollars to the U.S. and getting U.S. dollars and beer in exchange, and vice versa. At the point where he falls down drunk, all the money he repatriated the day before is back in the hands and pockets of the foreigners who had it when he started. Nothing at all is different from the _status quo ante_, except that a large quantity of beer has flowed through his system. What is the "economic work" he has accomplished? Properly speaking, "economic work" is what economists are paid to do. When they are unable to do that, they resort to jargon and doubletalk. -- David L. Book <book@astro.umd.edu> I'm no economist, but I still support the archive's answer. Economic work consists of moving goods from a point where they have lesser value to a point where they have greater value. (This, along with increasing the value of goods by adding labor, is the very fundamental basis of wealth creation.) Consider the problem slightly differently: Mexico produces tequila, which is cheap and plentiful there, so sells for US$0.90 per liter. America has a high demand for quality Mexican tequila, and it can be sold for US $1.00 per liter. But American widgets, which can be purchased for US $0.90 per dozen, command a price of US $1.00 per dozen in Mexico. Now, our budding entrepreneur can start with his dollar, buy a dozen widgets in America and have a dime left over, buy beer with the dime, then head south, sell his widgets for a buck, buy a liter of tequila and another beer, then go back to America and sell his dollar's worth of tequila, and so forth. It's almost analagous to gravitational potential energy. With respect to tequila, America is "downhill" from Mexico, and with respect to widgets, Mexico is "downhill" from America. Our alcoholic trader simply moves things from an area of high potential to an area of low potential and collects the difference in "energy" as beer. This problem uses currency, rather than goods, which adds a bit of obfuscation but doesn't change the workings one bit. (The problem further obfuscates by calling both currencies the "dollar".) Events can change the flow of goods, true. If the governments declare by fiat that the value of the currency has changed, what they essentially do is rob holders of one currency to give a boon to holders of the other. The economic potential of the currency also changes, and so yes, the trader *can* make money now by working his trade in the other direction. This isn't a _reductio_ad_absurdum_, just a fact. Even though government actions can look pretty absurd at times :-) -- Jonathan Haas <jhaas@microsoft.com> It's clear, but I still feel it's wrong. Would you walk through shoulder-deep snow, braving wolves and wild moose and Inuits and so forth, just to get a ten-cent beer? Of course not. But the problem asks us to assume that the moneychanger is willing to do it. We have to assume, then, that his overhead in shoe leather and wolfbite medicine is less than ten cents per pass. It follows that anyone else could have done the same at no greater cost, since he employs no advanced technology, economies of scale, or other secret weapons. Those who refrained from cashing in were just making a gift to the MC. Perhaps they are all corporation lawyers and Microsoft engineers, whose hourly wage is so high that it's not worthwhile for them to schlepp back and forth across the border just for parking meter money. In that case the governments are responsible for the loss and should compensate them for the "taking" of 10% of their foreign currency holdings. The communist governments of eastern Europe (and many in the third world) used to operate like this, setting currency prices arbitrarily. The result was inequitable transfers of wealth, stifled trade, and the fostering of black markets. It is not how money markets work. The process of money factoring does not by itself create wealth. In your analogy, there is no gravitational potential gradient here. Ask yourself this: how did money get repatriated before the double devaluation episode? Canadian dollars must have found their way back to Canada and U.S. dollars to the States. It wasn't necessary to pay agents a 10% fee, was it? But it got done anyway, and the same amount of "economic work" was involved. I've reread my messages and your reply, and see that I've allowed you to deflect me from my point. The question isn't if the MC *worked* for the beer or whether he deserved it or should pay taxes on it. The question is, where did he get the money to buy it? The answer to that, obviously, is from his currency dealings. And since he dealt only with holders of foreign currency, he got it from them. The price of the beer was transferred from their pockets to his. -- David L. Book Sorrrrt of. Again, consider the case of a tequila maker. It costs him, oh, say, $0.45 per liter to make it, and he sells it for $0.90 per liter. John Tequiladrinker, who lives maybe fifty miles away from the tequila maker, is willing to pay $1.00 per liter for it. If our entrepreneurial moneychanger buys up a bunch of tequila from the source for $0.90 and sells it to John for $1.00, would you say that his $0.10 per liter profit comes out of the pocket of the tequila maker? Not really. The MC is doing work by moving the tequila from a place where it's valued at $0.90 per liter to a place where it's valued at $1.00 per liter. It's the same thing with the currency. Don't let the fact that it's currency distract you from the fact that it's still a commodity, valued more in one place than in another, and work is done by moving it from where it's less valuable to where it's more valuable. By the way, I highly doubt that this is based on a true story. If two governments really did devalue each other's currency in the way this story is written, there *would* be a flood of border-crossers exchanging currency for mass profit. -- Jonathan Haas > would you say that his $0.10 > per liter profit comes out of the pocket of the tequila maker? No, he gets it from the buyer. It has to come from SOMEplace. If there were no sale he could move the tequila all over creation and never realize a profit. But in this example he is being paid for a service (delivering booze). > The MC is doing work by moving the tequila from a place where > it's valued at $0.90 per liter to a place where it's valued at $1.00 per > liter. True, but irrelevant. If the seller transports the tequila all the way from the distillery but succeeds in getting two dollars a bottle, he has profited hugely at the expense of the buyer. If he obtains the tequila by hijacking a tank truck and then sells it for a dollar half a block away, most of his profit would be at the expense of the previous owner of the tequila. In the case of the beer-swilling bordercrosser, the barkeeps got their usual payment, but the people who lost out by devaluation didn't, so the case is analogous to a hijacking. > It's the same thing with the currency. Don't let the fact that it's > currency distract you from the fact that it's still a commodity, valued > more in one place than in another, and work is done by moving it from > where it's less valuable to where it's more valuable. Don't you be distracted by the fact that the government was responsible for stopping the truck. It's still a hijack. -- David L. Book I'll try again, using your tequila example. Suppose I buy tequila from a distiller in Juarez and truck it to a distributor in El Paso. Let's stipulate that normally I pay the distiller 90 cents a bottle and the distributor pays me a dollar. By "normal" I mean that this price pattern has been established in a reasonably free market involving several competing distillers, truckers, and distributors; that, adjusted for inflation, it has been stable over a period of years; and that all participants receive comparable returns on their capital investment, say 10 percent annually. Does that sound normal to you? Under these conditions, as you pointed out, it makes no sense to say that the wealth I acquire comes from the pocket of the distiller or that of the distributor. I work for it. I earn it by performing a service that benefits both of them. No one is being exploited. Now let us assume that something happens to upset the normal price structure. Perhaps the Mexican government requires all distillers to sell tequila at a fixed price, or racketeers move in, or the Bronfmans start a price war. Anyway, the new shipping price is 50 cents a bottle. If the distiller can't arrange to buy his mescal or potatoes or whatever he uses at a big discount, he will lose money on every order. Assuming that the distributor continues to pay a dollar, I am going to clean up. And it is clear that I am doing so at the distiller's expense. I am getting rich and he is getting poor. I am still performing a service benefiting the distributor, but he is paying the same amount as before. My windfall is coming out of the distiller's pocket, not his. This example would fail if we didn't have an idea of the "normal" price. In that event we might wonder if the farmer who supplies the mescal was overcharging, or if the distiller was paying too much to his workers or for maintaining his equipment. But as I have stated it, the source of the distortion in prices is manifest. Of course, the distiller might not always be the loser. If the U.S. government decided to control the prices of alcoholic beverages and limit the retail price of tequila to a dollar, than either the distributor would lose his shirt or I would. Or more likely, tequila would soon become impossible to find in El Paso, or a black market would develop. What does all this have to do with the cost of beer on the Canadian border? At the risk of belaboring an obvious point, I assert that the double devaluation in the original problem changes the transaction from normal to abnormal. The distorted prices no longer reflect the real value of goods and services. The holders of foreign currency are getting ripped off. In some transactions it is possible to identify a winner and a loser: when the Dutch bought Manhattan for 24 dollars or when George Soros made a billion dollars in a month speculating against the British pound, someone got rich and someone else lost big time. It happens. And in those cases you can't just balance the books by calling it "economic work." -- David L. Book <book@spp.astro.umd.edu>